What does the passing of Gove and Willetts mean for the left?

The departure of Michael Gove and David Willetts in the recent reshuffle was a fairly obvious attempt by David Cameron to cleanse his government of some unwanted political toxicity ahead of the election. For the left and the trade union movement, it’s an opportunity to enjoy a short moment before redoubling our efforts to tackle the deeper forces at work.  

Michael Gove’s exit was, of course, particularly enjoyable. Rarely has someone united so many people against him so successfully. As Nick Wright wrote in his recent piece for the Morning Star, Gove was singularly successful in uniting almost the entire education profession against him. The government might have lived with that. But the fact is that the Blob just kept growing. By the time he went, polling evidence was showing that Gove was the most disliked politician in Britain. Quite an achievement at a time when the politician’s stock is arguably lower than at any point since the era of mass democratic politics began. Gove’s real gift was tabloid journalistic bear-baiting and he used it to try to sow division between teachers and their communities, but as anyone who knows how community state schools actually worked could have told Gove, it was going to take more than a clever turn of phrase and an acquired talent for public school-style bullying to get between parents and their daily experience of teachers. Gove’s rhetoric did not resonate with lived reality and his dictatorial centralisation of power as he tried to drive de-regulation ruthlessly from the DfE started to jar badly against basic democratic common sense.

Then of course there was the unravelling of the policies themselves. Forced academisation created broad-based coalitions based on revulsion at rank dictatorship. The huge diversion of resources to pet Free Schools, the back-of-a-fag-packet process for approving them and the drive to set them up wherever and whenever someone felt moved to run a school stank of insane dogma. And then there is the growing suspicion that academisation has been a vast folly, academically meaningless and successful only in handing schools into the control of people unfit for one reason or another to run them. It was increasingly obvious that the real enemies of promise were practising in Whitehall, not the classrooms.

Nicky Morgan’s appointment is clearly designed to take some of the personalised heat out of education policy but there will be no radical break. Indeed, as this recent article in US publication People’s World showed Gove’s particularly offensive offensive was rooted in a far longer counter-revolution that serves powerful transatlantic finance capital interests. Even while the academy chain heads and other assorted apostles of privatisation are publicly mourning Gove, they will be looking to the post-election world and working to make sure that a Tory victory will further their aims.

David Willetts’s departure had a similar motivation. Willetts was the architect of the shock therapy approach to the marketization and privatisation of higher education. Willetts attempted to resettle the financing of higher education on a publicly subsidised voucher system that would be progressively sold off to the financial sector while simultaneously feeding the growth of new private for-profit uiniversities. His policies produced student riots, occupations and Parliamentary splits in the Coalition before they began unravelling, publicly, in a very embarrassing way. As Andrew McGettigan has argued here, judged by his two stated aims, Willetts has been a failure. He leaves the higher education system more unstable, more privatised, more de-regulated and more chaotic than at any point in the post-war period. 

Yet for all the relief at the passing of the headbangers, the job at hand for the left and the education labour movement has not changed. Now is the time to take advantage of the unpopularity of the policies, as well as the people, and start to push for an alternative, democratised vision of a future education system. Most importantly, now is the time to build on the broad coalitions of interest that have emerged on campuses and in local communities all over the country. Our urgent need now is build the mass forces that can put pressure on Labour to start to develop once more a progressive vision of education. Our own suggestions for starting this process are in our pamphlet, Education for People. But this is just the start.